{"id":173229,"date":"2025-03-27T14:19:37","date_gmt":"2025-03-27T12:19:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/serbiantimes.info\/en\/?p=173229"},"modified":"2025-03-27T14:19:38","modified_gmt":"2025-03-27T12:19:38","slug":"controversy-of-march-27-anniversary-of-the-uprising-against-the-tripartite-pact-in-the-shadow-of-divided-opinions","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/serbiantimes.info\/en\/controversy-of-march-27-anniversary-of-the-uprising-against-the-tripartite-pact-in-the-shadow-of-divided-opinions\/","title":{"rendered":"CONTROVERSY OF MARCH 27: Anniversary of the uprising against the tripartite pact in the shadow of divided opinions!"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

By Slav Dedovi\u0107<\/strong> for Deutsche Welle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Belgrade, you sometimes drive down a street that changes its name without changing direction. Du\u0161anova. George Washington Street. March 27 Street.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

And yes, Queen Maria Street<\/strong>, where in the 1980s I used to go to Ma\u0161inac<\/strong> for concerts.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the corner of Dobra\u010dina and Du\u0161anova<\/strong>, I worked for years in the first decade of this millennium, so I know that area well. Dor\u0107ol<\/strong> (or more precisely, Dor\u010dol<\/strong>) is divided into two parts\u2014the bourgeois<\/strong> area above Du\u0161anova and the hardcore<\/strong> Dor\u0107ol below it, which some claim, perhaps exaggeratedly, is the only true Dor\u0107ol<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When you cross from 14th-century Du\u0161anova<\/strong> into 18th-century Washington Street<\/strong> near Skadarlija<\/strong>, nothing much changes\u2014until Takovska<\/strong> marks the transition into March 27 Street<\/strong>, a sudden leap into the 20th century<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Demonstracije 27. marta 1941. godine \/ Wikimedia Creative Commons<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Our Coup, Your Coup, Their Coup?<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

March 27, 1941: A group of pro-Western officers<\/strong> staged a coup, overthrew the Regency<\/strong> led by Prince Pavle Kara\u0111or\u0111evi\u0107<\/strong>, declared Crown Prince Peter Kara\u0111or\u0111evi\u0107 of age<\/strong>, and rendered the recently signed Tripartite Pact meaningless<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anniversaries force people to ask difficult questions in line with their historical memory<\/strong>: What does March 27, 1941, mean to us today?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

During socialist Yugoslavia<\/strong>, the communist<\/strong> and patriotic<\/strong> resistance against the Tripartite Pact<\/strong> were equated. The truth is, those pro-Western officers<\/strong> were supported by both Stalinists<\/strong> and those loyal to Patriarch Gavrilo Do\u017ei\u0107<\/strong>. After the war, a myth<\/strong> was added: that Yugoslavia\u2019s coup delayed Hitler\u2019s attack on the Soviet Union<\/strong>, pushing the Wehrmacht into the Russian winter<\/strong>, where its blitzkrieg stalled<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Later, the officers behind the coup were both celebrated and criticized<\/strong>. The British intelligence influence<\/strong> became more apparent. And then came the pragmatists<\/strong>, asking: Wouldn’t it have been smarter for the fragile Kingdom of Yugoslavia not to provoke Hitler?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These narratives stand side by side<\/strong> in Serbia\u2019s historical collage<\/strong>. Some call this pluralism<\/strong>, others chaos<\/strong>. But what can you do?<\/strong> We prefer grand myths<\/strong> over sober historical analysis<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Kralj Petar II Kara\u0111or\u0111evi\u0107 \/ Wikimedia Creative Commons<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

When London Finds You a Soul<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

For the rest of the world<\/strong>, what did March 27, 1941, mean? The British popped champagne<\/strong> after the coup. Winston Churchill famously declared that Yugoslavia had “found its soul” again<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But I think of British cynicism<\/strong>\u2014no military aid<\/strong> to Belgrade, no diplomatic solutions<\/strong> either. Yugoslavia was allowed to “find its soul” just days before being crushed under Nazi boots<\/strong>\u2014all to buy time for London and Moscow<\/strong> against Hitler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The British knew<\/strong> Hitler wanted to invade Greece<\/strong>, after Mussolini\u2019s humiliating failure<\/strong>. And Britain couldn’t let the Third Reich<\/strong> dominate the Mediterranean<\/strong>\u2014that would cut off oil and colonies<\/strong>. So, 58,000 British troops<\/strong> were sent to Greece.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A neutral Yugoslavia<\/strong> was unacceptable<\/strong> to London. But the Tripartite Pact signing on March 25 in Vienna<\/strong> was seen as a direct threat to British interests<\/strong> in the Balkans and Greece. So, British intelligence activated all its contacts in Belgrade<\/strong>\u2014agents of the Special Operations Executive (SOE)<\/strong>, who had studied Harold Temperley\u2019s 1917 “History of Serbia.”<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The British playbook?<\/strong> “Just anger the Serbs and push them toward patriotism.”<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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“Serbian Conspiratorial Mob”<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

While the British toasted with champagne<\/strong>, Hitler fumed<\/strong>. He hadn’t anticipated the coup. Already frustrated with Mussolini\u2019s failures in Greece<\/strong>, the Belgrade coup was the last straw<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Germany couldn’t invade the Soviet Union<\/strong> with an unstable southern front<\/strong>. And with British forces in Greece, the Romanian oil fields<\/strong>\u2014vital to Hitler\u2019s war machine<\/strong>\u2014would be within enemy bombing range<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contrary to the stereotype of Hitler as an irrational Yugoslav-hater<\/strong>, historical records show he wanted to win over Yugoslavia without war<\/strong>. He even said that no price was too high<\/strong> for “friendly relations” with Yugoslavia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But the coup revived his Austro-Hungarian trauma<\/strong>. He called the plotters “a Serbian conspiratorial mob”<\/strong> and vowed to “burn that Balkan ulcer to the ground.”<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

That led to Directive No. 25<\/strong>:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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“The coup in Yugoslavia has changed the political situation in the Balkans. Even if Yugoslavia guarantees loyalty, it must be considered an enemy<\/strong> and destroyed as quickly as possible.<\/strong>“<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

After March 27<\/strong>, events spiraled into war.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Ma\u010dek pola\u017ee zakletvu \/ Wikimedia Creative Commons<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

One Man Tried to Stop It<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

On March 27<\/strong>, demonstrators burned German flags<\/strong> in Belgrade, smashed German offices<\/strong>, and the next day, in the Orthodox Cathedral, German envoy Viktor von Heeren<\/strong> was insulted and spat on<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ironically, von Heeren was the one German official trying to prevent war<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite Ribbentrop\u2019s orders<\/strong>, von Heeren maintained intense contact with the new Yugoslav government<\/strong>. He even warned them of the upcoming bombing<\/strong> six days before the April 6 attack<\/strong>. He protested the invasion in Berlin\u2014and for that, he was removed from duty<\/strong>. His career was over<\/strong>, and he died in Bavaria in 1949<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He couldn’t stop Directive No. 25<\/strong>, nor the April 6 air raid on Belgrade<\/strong>. But he tried<\/strong>, sacrificing his career<\/strong> in the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FIND OUT MORE IN ENGLISH:<\/mark><\/h4>\n\n\n\n